Copts and Muslims, Shared History
By:
Jamal Kanj*
October 14, 2011
The events in Egypt last October 9 were saddening. While it is
difficult to understand the loss of 26 human lives, mostly protesting
Copts, the immediate response taken by political and religious leaders
was a hopeful sign.
Muslims and Copts were united in their euphoria last February in
ending the Egyptian dictatorship. The Crescent and the Cross joined hand
in hand at the Tahrir Square to bring about an end to Mubarak’s 30
years reign.
With that in mind, the army’s latest forceful response to the Coptic
demonstrators has left a serious blemish on the fledging revolution. The
Egyptian army has blamed violence on a deliberate plan by some Coptic
demonstrators to engage the army. Even so, the disproportionate response
to the Coptic protesters can hardly be justified.
There is credible uneasiness among Egyptian’s intelligentsia of
internal and or external forces that may attempt to derail their
revolution. For one, dogmatic religious forces thrive on sectarian
divide and shatter the fabric of national unity. Hence, developing a
notion of “group” insecurity whereby sectarian allegiance transcends
national loyalty. Consequently, making it easier for external enemies to
exploit the sectarian division weakening Egypt’s leading role in the
Arab world.
The army, with valid reasons, was implying that fringe Coptic
radicals might be knowingly or unknowingly serving Egypt’s external
enemies; especially, in light of a self-professed Coptic spokesperson in
the US, Magdi Khalil calling on Israel to join the fight against
Egypt’s Muslims.
Mind you that historically, and unlike Al Azhar, Coptic leadership
refused to sanction late president Sadat’s unctuous peace overtures with
Israel. For which Sadat ultimately deposed and exiled the head of the
Coptic Church, Pope Shenouda III to the Monastery of Saint Pishoy in the
Nitrian Desert.
Realizing the consistent nationalist position of the Coptic Church,
it is therefore critical for the new Egypt to work with the Coptic
leadership to stop outside opportunists from breeding hate in the swamp
of perceived inequity among members of the Egyptian society.
In addition, remnants of the old regime also have vested interest in
undermining or derailing the revolution. With apparent influence inside
the current government and army, they have much to lose in a new
transparent democratic Egypt.
Thus, propagating a sense of collective insecurity will undoubtedly
make the army and old forces indispensible during Egypt’s slow
transition to democracy. This has been self-evident by the Governing
Military Council’s sluggish progress towards transfer of power to
Civilian rule.
To start with, the Copts should not be treated as an ethnic minority.
They are part of Egypt’s cultural majority and are an intrinsic part of
its rich mosaic.
The religious diversity of Egypt must be celebrated by empowering all
parts of the community. This begins with changing the inherited
antiquated laws hindering Copts from building churches.
Egyptians must follow on the steps and foresight of the second Muslim
Caliph Omar Bin Al Khatab who in the year 637 turned down an invitation
by the Patriarch of Jerusalem to pray at the Church of the Holy
Sepulcher. The prescience Muslim leader, wanted to avoid creating the
false perception of making the Church equally venerated Muslim site.
The building of a new church and mosque (other than in New York!) or
preserving old religious edifices should be viewed as a symbol of
unitary shared belief in submitting to the one deity revered by all
Egyptians.
Places of worship are not negatory, but rather complementary medium
for all Egyptians to reach out to the one common creator. Let’s pray
that the blood of the 26 Egyptians will cement the foundation to
preserve a united and strong democratic Egypt.
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