The birth
of the European refugee crisis
By Jamal
Kanj
September 6, 2015
Many years ago I read Men in the Sun, a novel by late
Palestinian writer Ghassan Kanafani. He, along with his young niece Lamis, were
blown up by Israel in 1972.
In the book, Kanafani told the tale of three desperate
Palestinian refugees from Lebanon who hid in an empty water tanker trying to
reach Kuwait where they hoped to find work.
The truck was delayed at the borders and the three
travellers suffocated quietly inside the empty tank.
The tormented driver tried desperately to understand why
they didn’t try to escape their fate.
The parable: daring death rather than looking in the eyes of
starving children waiting in the camps.
Kanafani was a brilliant writer and a great illustrator, but
I never realised just how prophetic his words were.
Today, you can see the same desperation all over the faces
of Arab refugees jumping from unsafe boats trying to reach European shores, or
waiting in camps in rain or sun seeking sanctuary in a strange land.
Those in the camps are the lucky ones.
Thousands of their compatriots were either swallowed by deep
seawater, decomposed in truck containers or left behind to choose between a
dictatorship or an even crueller alternative.
It is a shame when non-Arab countries are more hospitable to
those refugees than their own supposed brethren.
For example, Syrian refugees fared much better in Turkey
than those who went to Arab countries.
Unlike Turkey, which tried to integrate the refugees in its
marketplace as a cheap labour resource, Arab countries like Lebanon and Jordan
pushed Syrian refugees into isolated camps – where they survive on crumbs from
economic assistance that host countries receive on their behalf from foreign
donors.
Further west on the other side of the Mediterranean, the
refugee problem is seen today as Europe’s biggest threat.
You could argue Europe is being punished for its economic
success, but while that has some merit the reality is different.
Europe has enjoyed economic prosperity for decades, yet it
never experienced the problem it is now facing.
The Syrian and, before them, Iraqi refugees left their war
torn countries only after international military interference seeking regime
change.
In other words, when the US and Europe decided to continue
the Bush doctrine of democratisation through military intervention.
In the recent past, the sea and the stability of Arab
countries in North Africa represented a natural barrier between Europe and
immigrants seeking economic opportunities or political refuge from sub-Saharan
Africa and the rest of the Arab world.
The UN Security Council, however, created a hole in that
wall when it authorised foreign military intervention to topple Libyan dictator
Muammar Gadaffi instead of allowing the civil process to take its course, as it
did in Tunisia and to a degree in Egypt.
The UN Security Council sanctioned regime change, but
disowned its responsibility for providing arms to the likes of Islamic State
and the chaos that ensued.
In the East, the dreams of the Syrian people to rid
themselves of the Al Assad dynasty became a nightmare.
As in Iraq before, outside interference was the main impetus
for anarchy that led to the creation of the self-proclaimed Islamic State in
Iraq and Syria.
European leaders must remember when they discuss the current
refugee crisis that the embryo of today’s problem was yesterday’s support for
the Security Council-sanctioned war on Libya, as well as the training and
financing of “freelance” fighters who turned Syria’s civil protests into a
military conflict.
The fire started by members of the international community
has finally spread to their shores.
In the process, it has demonstrated there is no safe haven.
Just ask Nero. |